Two-thirds of workers in England can’t afford private rent. If that’s not a crisis, what is? | Phineas Harper


Tat the Christmas of their masters they were busy with their household. borders in England and Wales rose from 11.2% compared with the same period last year, thousands of families were left homeless during the coldest months. Now, new research He declared that private landlords in England were charging such high rents that nearly two-thirds of the laborers were struggling to pay.

The study, commissioned by the housing charity Shelter, found that almost 4.5 million people were falling behind after falling out or having trouble getting up. It is sad news for a government that has put Britain’s chronic housing-affordability crisis at the center of its agenda, but under whose watch the lives of private renters are deteriorating.

The prime minister, Angela Rayner, will hand over the government and take the oath 1.5m new houses over the next five years with many in Labor hoping more private owners will compete to drive down prices. But of sobriety research from the Tony Blair Institute concludes that “building houses is not the only issue of housing affordability in the UK”, and that even a four-fold increase in building construction could not help employers desperately need it.

If Britain’s private rental sector is so broken that a large proportion of tenants are already struggling to make maintenance payments, simply expanding this rotten system will only push more people into poverty. poor living conditions; 23% of the dwellings in the hands of private landlords do not even meet the standards of decent houses. Rather than letting more crummy landlords rent flats at irrational prices, there is a real need to compete with the private rental sector. A huge expansion of social housing is needed.

Limited land, development capacity in the region and binding UK laws carbon accounts it means that, without radically more sustainable construction practices, the country can actually build a finite number of new homes each year. Solving the housing crisis is therefore a question of priorities: By allowing the building permit market to bring prices down as quickly as possible, will Britain be more strategic in deciding what new homes we buy in 2025 and beyond?

Imagine a neighborhood with huge rents but no space to build new homes. Which tenancy of new accommodation could most alleviate the heavy cost of living experienced by tenants of the crisis: private or social? The new privately rented houses provide shelter for families in need, and relieve pressure on housing in the area. The expenses of those families will be high, equal to the burden of local rents. More people are living, but average housing costs in the neighborhood will hardly change.

On the other hand, choosing to build homes for social enterprises will have a much greater impact on the neighborhood. The new flats will still provide accommodation for as many families in need, with an equal burden of relieving pressure on local housing demand. But this time the income for the new houses will be in line with the local income – they are often social income 50% lower than private rents – to drive the local average.

With lower average incomes, communities as a whole have more money left in the local economy, which provides greater happiness for all. The housing crisis is primarily a humanitarian disaster, but it is also an economic millstone around Britain’s neck. The wages of a nation, the more they are absorbed by the nation, the less they are for others; The shelter is valued as the building 90,000 new social-housing companies Britain would be £50bn better off. In a letter to the chancellor, Rachel Reeves, the shelter’s chief executive, Polly Neate, Ikea boss Peter Jelkeby and other industry leaders urged the government to build close to a million. he rented social houses in the next decade.

The social rental sector is not only more affordable, but also more private in other ways. Secure tenures, for example, allow residents to put down roots without fear that the turf will live forever. While Labor has plans to clamp down on landlords with impossible rent hikes and no-fault eviction ideas, private renters now have a fraction of the long-term stability they enjoy on social rents. And since private traders often dictate the rules of pig owners, what tenants can and cannot do in their houses (even sometimes they stick posters on the walls), usually social renters benefit from their strong rights to decorate their houses and homes.

Another reason to prioritize growing the social sector is the dizzying cost of rental time adjustment. Without a sufficient housing plan to go around, local authorities in England are forced to spend sundry funds, renting emergency accommodation at the cost of jacked-up homeless families. The plan of Hastings, for example, was executed half of its annual budget of accommodation for a time next year, while they reside in the boroughs of London £4m a day providing emergency shelter.

This month, the mayor of Greater Manchester, Andy Burnham, called on the government to build a mass of new houses of worship. to define. “No other plan that can be implemented in the assembly,” he said, “has greater social and economic benefits.” He is right. Given that Britain can only build a limited number of houses each year total revolution in green architecture, the absolute priority should be to expand social housing.

For too long we have allowed housing, commodities as vital as water and energy to thrive, without robust competition or the establishment of a strong private market to regulate the prevailing market. An honest dwelling should be the cornerstone of an honest and stable life, but the owner of an unrestrained private property has either neglected it. After Christmas evictions and trying to catch up on hires, a new year’s resolution should be a bold one. Only a new generation of truly affordable social housing can solve Britain’s housing crisis. It’s time to build.



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